👮 Terror
The ÁVH spied on, arrested and tortured anyone suspected of opposition. About 2,000 people were executed and around 100,000 were imprisoned.
Sign up to access the complete lesson and track your progress!
Unlock This CourseStalin died on 5 March 1953. After a struggle among the Soviet leaders, Nikita Khrushchev came out on top. He became First Secretary of the Communist Party in September 1953 and by 1955 he was clearly the most powerful man in the Soviet Union.
Khrushchev offered the West a new approach, which he called peaceful co-existence. He still believed that Communism would win in the end. But he argued that it should win by peaceful competition, by showing that it gave people a better life, and not by war. He had two main reasons. A war fought with nuclear weapons would destroy both sides. And the arms race was very expensive, when he wanted to spend more on raising living standards at home.
There were real signs of a 'thaw' in the Cold War:
The thaw had limits. At Geneva the mood was friendly, but nothing was agreed about Germany, and the Soviet side turned down Eisenhower's 'Open Skies' plan for each side to photograph the other's military bases from the air. The arms race carried on. And peaceful co-existence was about relations with the West. It did not mean that Khrushchev would let go of the satellite states, as Hungary was about to find out.
Key terms:
On 25 February 1956 Khrushchev spoke to a closed session of the Twentieth Congress of the Soviet Communist Party in Moscow. For about four hours he attacked Stalin, the man Communists had been taught to treat almost as a god. He said that Stalin had built up a 'cult of personality', had ordered the arrest, torture and execution of thousands of loyal Communists, and had made serious mistakes as a war leader.
The speech was not published in the Soviet Union, but it was read out at party meetings, and copies soon reached Eastern Europe and the West. By June 1956 it was being printed in American newspapers.
The speech was part of a wider policy of de-Stalinisation. Large numbers of political prisoners were released from the labour camps, the power of the secret police was cut back, and censorship was eased a little. Khrushchev had also made peace with Tito's Yugoslavia in 1955, accepting that there could be different roads to Communism, and in April 1956 he closed down Cominform.
In Eastern Europe the effect was dramatic. If Stalin had been wrong, people asked, why should they go on obeying the little Stalins who ruled them? In Poland, riots in June 1956 were followed in October by the return to power of Władysław Gomułka, a Communist who had been locked up by Poland's Stalinist rulers in 1951. Khrushchev accepted Gomułka and his reforms because Poland promised to stay in the Warsaw Pact. Hungarians were watching closely.
Mátyás Rákosi had led Hungary's Communists since 1945 and called himself 'Stalin's best pupil'. His rule gave Hungarians four reasons for bitterness.
The ÁVH spied on, arrested and tortured anyone suspected of opposition. About 2,000 people were executed and around 100,000 were imprisoned.
Farms were forced into collectives and money was poured into heavy industry. Food and industrial goods were sent to the Soviet Union while Hungarians went short, and living standards fell.
Hungary was a strongly Catholic country. The head of its Catholic Church, Cardinal Mindszenty, was sentenced to life in prison in 1949.
Soviet troops were stationed in the country. Children had to learn Russian at school, the press was censored, and a huge statue of Stalin stood in Budapest.
After Stalin's death, Moscow made Rákosi hand the job of prime minister to Imre Nagy, a Communist who wanted reform. Nagy released some prisoners and eased the pressure on farmers, which made him popular. In 1955 Rákosi had him removed. But after the secret speech Rákosi himself was finished. In July 1956 Moscow forced him to resign. His replacement, Ernő Gerő, was another hardliner, so nothing was solved.
Pushed on by the crowds, Nagy was now asking for:
These demands went far beyond anything Gomułka had asked for in Poland. Free elections could end Communist rule altogether, and leaving the Warsaw Pact would tear a hole in the Soviet buffer zone. How Khrushchev replied is covered in the lesson The Soviet Invasion of Hungary, 1956.
Don't think peaceful co-existence meant freedom for Eastern Europe: it was about avoiding war with the West. Don't call Nagy an anti-Communist: he was a Communist who wanted reform, and events carried him further than he first planned. And don't confuse Imre Nagy with Ferenc Nagy, the prime minister forced out in 1947.
Extract A (a practice extract written for this lesson, in the style of a modern history textbook)
Under Rákosi, Hungary became a prison run for Moscow's benefit. The dreaded ÁVH dragged people from their homes at night, and thousands vanished into jails and labour camps. Food and factory goods were shipped east while Hungarian families went hungry. Children were made to learn Russian and the Church was silenced. A proud nation was bullied by a man who boasted of being Stalin's best pupil. By 1956 Hungarians felt nothing for their rulers but hatred.
What impression does the author give about Soviet rule in Hungary under Rákosi? You must use Extract A to explain your answer. [6 marks]
The author gives the impression that Soviet rule under Rákosi was cruel and unjust, and that it treated Hungary as a victim. This comes across in the language. Hungary is called 'a prison', which suggests a whole people held against their will, and the ÁVH is 'dreaded' and 'dragged' people away, words chosen to make the reader feel fear and sympathy. The phrase 'run for Moscow's benefit', set beside families who 'went hungry', stresses that Hungarians were being used. The author has selected only the harsh sides of the regime, such as terror, shortages and the attack on the Church, and leaves out anything that might be said in its favour or any Hungarians who supported it. Ending on 'nothing ... but hatred' fixes the impression of a rule that was completely rejected.
What lifts this to the top level: it names one clear impression, then explains how the author's word choice, emphasis and selection of points create it, instead of just repeating what the extract says.
You do not need your own knowledge of Rákosi here, so don't spend time adding facts about the ÁVH. Quote two or three loaded words, such as 'prison' and 'dreaded', say what each suggests, and then say what the author has chosen to leave out.