🏆 The attractions
The FDJ ran sports, holidays, camps, concerts and clubs. For many young people it was where their friends were, and it cost little or nothing.
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Unlock This CourseThe ruling party of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was the Socialist Unity Party (SED). It believed that if it could shape young people, it would shape the future. So it tried to guide children and teenagers from an early age, through youth groups, ceremonies and training. It also saw religion as a rival, because the Church offered a different set of beliefs. This lesson looks at how far the SED controlled both.
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The Free German Youth was founded in 1946 and became the only official youth organisation. Younger children joined the Pioneers, and from about the age of 14 young people were expected to join the FDJ. Joining was officially voluntary, but young people who stayed out could find it harder to get a good job or a university place, so most joined.
The FDJ ran sports, holidays, camps, concerts and clubs. For many young people it was where their friends were, and it cost little or nothing.
It was also a way to teach the SED's ideas. Members went to political meetings and took part in marches and parades, and the leaders answered to the Party.
The SED introduced the Jugendweihe in the 1950s as a secular alternative to church confirmation. It took place at the end of year 8, when pupils were about 14. They went through a ceremony and promised to work for socialism. The churches opposed it, and at first many families chose confirmation instead. But young people who refused the Jugendweihe could face problems in their education and later careers, so over time the great majority took part. It became a family celebration, with presents and a party, but its message stayed political.
From 1978, military education lessons became compulsory for older pupils. They included basic weapons handling and civil defence, and there were training camps. The SED said the GDR had to be able to defend itself. The churches and many parents were uneasy, because it taught young people to see the West as an enemy. In the early 1980s, some young people wore the church-backed peace badge 'Swords to Ploughshares', and the authorities banned it. This shows how far the SED would go to control what young people said and wore.
The SED was Marxist and atheist (it did not believe in God), and it saw religion as old-fashioned. The GDR's constitution promised freedom of belief, but in practice active Christians faced pressure. They might find it harder to get a university place or a senior job, especially in the party, the army or teaching. Religion was not taught as a normal school subject, and Christian children could be teased or pushed to the edges of school life. Over the years, fewer people belonged to a church.
The state also watched the Church. The Stasi placed informers among the clergy and in church groups.
The Church could not simply fight the state, and the state could not close it down. In the 1970s a compromise grew up. Protestant leaders spoke of a 'Church in socialism': not against the state, and not apart from it, but working inside it. On 6 March 1978 the head of state, Erich Honecker, met the Protestant Church leaders. The state promised that Christians would not be discriminated against, and the Church kept its freedom to run its own affairs. But it was an uneasy deal. The Church still criticised the state, and in the early 1980s church buildings gave space for discussions about peace that the state could not control.
This is a Paper 2 Section A (b) question. Study Sources A and B.
From a report by the Conference of Protestant Church Leaders in the GDR, 25 May 1977 (translated, with spelling and dashes adjusted).
"In the interest of their children's future, parents are frequently warned - from positions of power, which teachers certainly hold in great measure - against letting their children participate in Christian instruction. ... The fact that the government of the GDR has allowed for conscientious [military] objection is a sign of strength. But restrictive measures are clouding this bright spot."
From a telex by Erich Honecker, leader of the GDR, to SED regional leaders, 16 April 1982 (translated, with spelling and dashes adjusted).
"...some forces within the circles of the Protestant churches in the GDR have recently been trying to strain the relationship between state and church through provocative behaviour. As a pretext, they often cite the prohibition on the wearing of unauthorized buttons, especially by young people who have been strongly influenced by the church."
How far does Source A support the evidence of Source B about relations between the state and the Church in the GDR? Explain your answer. [8 marks]
Source A supports Source B in some ways. Both show tension between state and Church, and both link it to young people. Source A says parents are warned "against letting their children participate in Christian instruction", and Source B refers to "the prohibition on the wearing of unauthorized buttons, especially by young people who have been strongly influenced by the church". Both therefore suggest that the state was trying to limit the Church's influence on the young.
However, the sources differ about who was to blame. Source B says "some forces within the circles of the Protestant churches" are using "provocative behaviour" to "strain the relationship", so Honecker blames the Church. Source A blames the state, saying pressure comes "from positions of power" and "restrictive measures are clouding" the government's good decisions. Source A is also more balanced, because it calls conscientious objection "a sign of strength", whereas Source B has no praise for the Church.
Overall, Source A supports Source B only partly. They agree that there was tension over young people, but each blames the other side for it.
What lifts it to the top level: it cross-refers short quotations from both sources for the agreement and for the difference, and ends by judging how far A supports B.
You only need to compare what the sources say, so you do not need your own knowledge. Quote from both sources for the agreement and again for the difference, and finish with a judgement such as "only partly".